One of the many inequities in our current campaign finance system involves the rules on so-called "Section 527" organizations (named after the section of the Internal Revenue Code that establishes them). Current campaign finance law bars federally elected officials and candidates for federal office--Representatives, Senators, President and Vice President--from having such groups, which can raise funds in unlimited amounts from any source (including directly from labor unions and corporations). That law only applies to federal elections (that is, to those running for or holding federal office), but state officials--including governors--can use 527 funds to promote themselves right up to the moment that they officially declare themselves to be a federal candidate.
The House narrowly passed campaign finance restrictions on 527 non-profit groups, which can currently accept unlimited donations from individuals, according to the Washington Post. 527 groups became a powerful force on the Democratic side in the 2004 election in the wake of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform's restrictions on giving to campaigns committees and political action committees. Billionaire donor George Soros donated $27 million to Democratic 527 groups during the 2004 election cycle setting an all-time record for individual giving. Republicans also benefited from Robert Perry, a Texas homebuilder, pumping $4.5 million into the group Swift Boat Veterans for Truth. Republicans turned Soros into a bogeyman and have aimed to curb Democratic spending by limiting contributions to these 527 groups since the election. Seven Democrats sided with the Republicans while 18 Republicans, mostly from the conservative Republican Study Group, sided with the Democrats. The Post notes the contradictory behavior by both sides in the debate,
Republicans, who had adamantly opposed the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law, called for expansion of the measure's ban on soft money to cover the 527 committees. The House bill would limit to $5,000 a year the amount an individual could give to a 527 committee active in federal elections and $25,000 to a committee engaging in partisan voter registration. It would prohibit all corporate and union contributions.
Organizations such as Common Cause, Democracy 21 and Public Citizen, past legislative adversaries of the GOP, were allied with Republicans in yesterday's floor fight. Democrats had the backing of a long list of conservative leaders opposed to regulation, including Grover Norquist of Americans for Tax Reform and Paul M. Weyrich of the Free Congress Foundation.
Bloomberg notes that the bill stands a test in the Senate as Democrats may filibuster. The legislation would also allow “political parties to spend unlimited amounts in coordinated efforts to support their candidates for federal offices. Republican Party committees had $76 million in the bank as of Feb. 28, and Democratic committees had $53 million.”
Wonkette reports on Ways and Means Chairman Bill Thomas’ (R-CA) expensive private travel. Thomas took a trip to Beaver Creek, CO for an AEI forum that cost, in travel expenses alone, $27,233. I know that the airlines are going bankrupt but who knew that they were charging the price of a car for a round-trip flight to Beaver Creek. Thomas also took a trip to Edinburgh, Scotland on the dime of the Ripon Educational Fund (a Republican organization that is run by lobbyists) that cost $18,702, which included an “Edinburgh Military tattoo”. Are tattoos included in the proposed gift and meal ban?
Think Progress reports that John McCain’s (R-AZ) attempt to attach 527-reform legislation to the lobbying and ethics reform bill would wind complicating and potentially killing off the reform bill: “Even pro-reform activists, who endorse tough new restrictions on 527 organizations, have testified that the 527 debate should be handled separately. They argue that dragging in 527-related provisions would complicate and undermine the lobbying reform effort."
Josh Marshall is counting the number of politicians seeing their careers ending due to the Abramoff scandal: “So far I've got Ralph Reed, Conrad Burns, Katherine Harris and Bob Ney. Tom DeLay is another obvious contender. But that's muddled by the fact that his own independent crimes appear to have brought him down first. Who am I not thinking of?”
Lobbying and ethics reform may be causing fissures in the Republican caucus, but they are coming together around a campaign finance reform that targets independent ‘527’ organizations. The Washington Post reports, “As part of the House GOP proposals, ‘527’ organizations that operate independently of the political parties would no longer be allowed to collect unlimited sums from individuals. … Instead, the groups would be governed by federal campaign finance laws that would restrict such giving to a total of $30,000 from individuals per year.” ‘527’ groups, named after the section of the tax code that governs them, “heavily aided Democrats in the 2004 elections” with such groups as MoveOn and others accepting millions of dollars in donations from small numbers of donors. While Democrats tend to use ‘527’s more than Republicans the group Progress for America, which is closely tied to the White House, helped push the Supreme Court nominations of John Roberts and Samuel Alito and waged a campaign against Iraq war protester Cindy Sheehan.
Rep. Marty Meehan (D-MA) has insisted that his 527 campaign finance reform bill should not be folded into a lobbying reform package as is being suggested by Speaker Dennis Hastert (R-IL) and other Republicans. The co-sponsor of Meehan’s 527 reform, Rep. Chris Shays (R-CT), has sided with Meehan stating, “If 527 reform is going to turn the debate on cleaning up lobbying into partisan bickering, I’d prefer to see an up-or-down vote on two clean bills.” Meehan and Shays also fear the Republican leadership will include language from another 527 reform proposed by Representatives Mike Pence (R-IN) and Albert Wynn (D-MD) because it could prove a “Trojan horse for gutting the McCain-Feingold law.”